More far-right extremists referred to UK counter-radicalization program than Islamists

Up to March this year, 25 percent of the Prevent program’s 4,915 referrals related to right-wing extremist views. (Reuters/File Photo)
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Updated 18 November 2021
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More far-right extremists referred to UK counter-radicalization program than Islamists

  • Not all Prevent-referred individuals pose same threat, says expert

LONDON: For the first time, more people were referred to the UK’s de-radicalization program because of extreme-right ideology than because of Islamist beliefs, figures released on Thursday revealed.

Up to March this year, 25 percent of the Prevent program’s 4,915 referrals related to right-wing extremist views, while just 22 percent related to Islamism. The remainders were for individuals with a “mixed, unstable or unclear ideology.”

The figures were even starker for referrals to Channel — a mentorship initiative that sits within the Prevent program for the most serious cases; those deemed to pose a terrorist threat.

Of the 688 Channel referrals, nearly half — 46 percent — were because of fears of right-wing terror, while only 22 percent were interventions aimed at diverting individuals away from Islamist terrorism.

This is the third year in a row that far-right referrals to Channel have outnumbered Islamist referrals.

The Prevent program relies on referrals from police, teachers, friends, family, or others when they notice someone near to them developing extremist views.

Despite the rising far-right referrals, terrorist attacks in the UK are still usually perpetrated by individuals of Islamist ideology.

Last Sunday a Syrian man, whose ideology is still being examined, blew himself up in the back of a taxi in Liverpool. Last month, Ali Harbi Ali stabbed MP David Amess to death in an Islamist-inspired terrorist attack in Amess' constituency.

Ali had, in the past, been referred to Prevent but was judged not to pose a threat and was discharged.

Amess’ killing prompted renewed scrutiny of the Prevent program, which was already the subject of an independent review following terrorist attacks in the UK toward the end of the last decade.

Ian Acheson, a senior adviser at the Counter Extremism Project, suggested that research was needed about what was driving referrals and why they were “out of kilter” with attacks.

He told MailOnline: “Nobody can dispute these statistics as a matter of fact. Nor is it sensible to ignore extreme right-wing ideology as a driver of violent extremism. But we should also be asking about what is driving these referrals and why they are so out of kilter with the clear and present danger of Islamist extremism which in terms of lethality and potential dwarfs extreme right-wing ones.

“There is probably a lot of concern hiding within the dominant group of mixed, unstable or unclear ideology. Is this group getting the same attention as the others? I'm not at all clear that, for example, alienated young people attracted to the incel sub-culture equate in any meaningful way to religiously inspired extremism that is so inimical to society in terms of threat.”


’Weak by design’ African Union gathers for summit

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’Weak by design’ African Union gathers for summit

ADDIS ABABA: The African Union (AU) holds its annual summit in Ethiopia this weekend at a time of genocide, myriad insurgencies and coups stretching from one end of the continent to the other, for which it has few answers.
The AU, formed in 2002, has 55 member states who are often on opposing sides of conflicts. They have routinely blocked attempts to hand real enforcement power to the AU that could constrain their action, leaving it under-funded and under-equipped.
It has missed successive deadlines to make itself self-funding — in 2020 and 2025. Today, it still relies for 64 percent of its annual budget on the United States and European Union, who are cutting back support.
Its chairman, Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, is reduced to expressing “deep concern” over the continent’s endless crises — from wars in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo to insurgencies across the Sahel — but with limited scope to act.
“At a time when the AU is needed the most, it is arguably at its weakest since it was inaugurated,” said the International Crisis Group (ICG) in a recent report.

- Ignoring own rules -

With 10 military coups in Africa since 2020, the AU has been forced to ignore the rule in its charter that coup-leaders must not stand for elections. Gabon and Guinea, suspended after their coups, were reinstated this past year despite breaking that rule.
Meanwhile, there has been no “deep concern” over a string of elections marred by rigging and extreme violence.
Youssouf was quick to congratulate Tanzania’s President Samia Suluhu Hassan after she won 98 percent in a vote in October in which all leading opponents were barred or jailed and thousands of protesters were killed by security forces.
The AU praised the “openness” of an election in Burundi in June described by Human Rights Watch as “dominated by repression (and) censorship.”
The problem, said Benjamin Auge, of the French Institute of International Relations, is that few African leaders care about how they are viewed abroad as they did in the early days after independence.
“There are no longer many presidents with pan-African ambitions,” he told AFP.
“Most of the continent’s leaders are only interested in their internal problems. They certainly don’t want the AU to interfere in domestic matters,” he added.

- AU ‘supports dialogue’ -

AU representatives point out that its work stretches far beyond conflict, with bodies doing valuable work on health, development, trade and much more.
Spokesman Nuur Mohamud Sheekh told AFP that its peace efforts went unnoticed because they were measured in conflicts that were prevented.
“The AU has helped de-escalate political tensions and support dialogue before situations descend into violence,” he said, citing the work done to prevent war between Sudan and South Sudan over the flashpoint region of Abyei.
But African states show little interest in building up an organization that might constrain them.
Power remains instead with the AU Assembly, made up of individual heads of state, including the three longest-ruling non-royals in the world: Teodoro Obiang Nguema of Equatorial Guinea (46 years), Paul Biya of Cameroon (44) and Yoweri Museveni of Uganda (40).
“The African Union is weak because its members want it that way,” wrote two academics for The Conversation last year.
This weekend, the rotating presidency of the AU assembly passes to Burundi’s President Evariste Ndayishimiye, fresh from his party’s 97-percent election victory.
Coups, conflicts and rights abuses may get discussed, but the main theme is water sanitation.