In Pakistani city of Mardan, ‘G.I. Janes’ cross enemy lines

Police women train in Mardan city in Pakistan's Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province on March 5, 2019. (AN photo)
Updated 08 March 2019
Follow

In Pakistani city of Mardan, ‘G.I. Janes’ cross enemy lines

  • Northwestern province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has 70 trained women police commandos
  • Women police commandos patrol the streets with guns, diffuse bombs and engage in raids against militants and criminals

MARDAN: It was just before dawn in March 2016. Gul Kausar and Faryal Mushtaq lay crouched on the ground, their guns pointed at a suspected militant hideout on the outskirts of Mardan.
For what seemed like hours, only the sound of dogs howling in the distance punctured the silence. Then the storm of gunfire began as the team of Pakistani commandos, men and women, exchanged fire with Taliban insurgents until the night went still again.
“In about 45 minutes, we gunned down both Taliban militants,” Kausar Gul, one of 70 women police commandos in the northwestern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, told Arab News at the main police station in Mardan. “We have faced dozens of such raids, and if not daily, at least once a week, we have to carry out these operations.”




Three women police commandos walk together outside a police station in Mardan city in Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province on March 5, 2019. (AN photo)


Before 2007, Pakistan’s police women had rarely seen ground combat, their jobs mostly keeping them away from enemy lines. But as Pakistan became embroiled in a long war against an indigenous Taliban insurgency over a decade ago, women have repeatedly had to prove their mettle in battle. 
They have patrolled streets with riffles, diffused bombs, and driven police vans down explosive-laden streets. A small number like Gul, and her colleague Faryal Mushtaq, have even done the hardest job of all: engaging the enemy directly in dangerous raids.




Faryal Mushtaq and Kausar Gul, women elite police commandos in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa police, sit outside a police station in Mardan on March 5, 2019. (AN photo)


In the deeply conservative Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, where women’s lives are heavily policed and a tiny percentage work outside the home, Mushtaq said she decided to become a cop after her father, Mushtaq Ali, was killed in a clash with militants in 2008. 
“My mother was scared when I told her my plans, and rightly so,” Mushtaq said as she adjusted her “Commando Elite Police” cap. “But this was not an emotional decision for me, it was a well thought-out one.”
“Following my father’s footsteps was my biggest dream,” she added, her voice dropping to a whisper. 
When the government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa announced in 2014 that women could also train in combatting terrorism under the supervision of the army’s Special Services Group, Mushtaq immediately signed up. She graduated from the six-month-long course, considered one of the toughest in the police force, in 2016 and is one of six women commandos in Mardan.




Police women train in Mardan city in Pakistan's Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province on March 5, 2019. (AN photo)

On a balmy day in early March, Mushtaq sat with three colleagues outside the Mardan police station, the silver-lined name-tag on her maroon jacket glistening in the sunlight. 
“Since 2016, I’ve been fighting shoulder to shoulder with my male colleagues,” she said. “I take part in search and strike operations against militants and criminals, which is the high point of being a cop.” 
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has a total number of 6,570 elite police commandos. Since 2007, as many as 1,655 officers of the provincial police force have died in the line of duty, according to official figures. Hundreds more are injured, spending out their remaining days quietly in wheelchairs, trauma centers and hospitals.
Rabia Ali, 27, said she was inspired to join the force when she was still in high school where her favorite part of the day was the parade drill. She joined the police at the peak of Taliban militancy in 2009 and became a trained elite commando in 2015. 
“The badge and elite force caps make us look different from the rest,” Ali said, chuckling. 
But she got serious when asked how she felt about being a commando. “I have learnt the art of using heavy weapons as well as many other tactics, including how to defuse bombs,” she said. “Elite training has given me such a sense of power.”
Next to her, Gul, who hails from the remote village of Hatian, said she was the first person in her family to get an education and join the police. Her first visit to a major city, Mardan, was only after her selection in the force. 
“Elite training kills your fear and improves combat skills, ” Gul said. “Now we can take part in any raid and fight wanted persons and their women.”
Senior policeman Malik Shaki said in many of the raids, the women commandos led from the front. 
“This is unprecedented in this conservative Pashtun society,” he said.
But though these women have come far, they have had to face their share of obstacles and opposition from family, friends and colleagues. One said her relatives had disowned her when she became a commando, and almost all said they had had family members taunt them for doing a “man’s job.” 
“But I have never cared because I am carrying my father’s flag,” Mushtaq said. “Despite all dangers and risks,” Gul piped in, “we have to protect Pakistan.”


Top UN court to hear Rohingya genocide case against Myanmar

Updated 6 sec ago
Follow

Top UN court to hear Rohingya genocide case against Myanmar

THE HAGUE: Did Myanmar commit genocide against its Rohingya Muslim minority? That’s what judges at the International Court of Justice will weigh during three weeks of hearings starting Monday.
The Gambia brought the case accusing Myanmar of breaching the 1948 Genocide Convention during a crackdown in 2017.
Legal experts are watching closely as it could give clues for how the court will handle similar accusations against Israel over its military campaign in Gaza, a case brought to the ICJ by South Africa.
Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims fled violence by the Myanmar army and Buddhist militias, escaping to neighboring Bangladesh and bringing harrowing accounts of mass rape, arson and murder.
Today, 1.17 million Rohingya live crammed into dilapidated camps spread over 8,000 acres in Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh.
From there, mother-of-two Janifa Begum told AFP: “I want to see whether the suffering we endured is reflected during the hearing.”
“We want justice and peace,” said the 37-year-old.

’Senseless killings’

The Gambia, a Muslim-majority country in West Africa, brought the case in 2019 to the ICJ, which rules in disputes between states.
Under the Genocide Convention, any country can file a case at the ICJ against any other it believes is in breach of the treaty.
In December 2019, lawyers for the African nation presented evidence of what they said were “senseless killings... acts of barbarity that continue to shock our collective conscience.”
In a landmark moment at the Peace Palace courthouse in The Hague, Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi appeared herself to defend her country.
She dismissed Banjul’s argument as a “misleading and incomplete factual picture” of what she said was an “internal armed conflict.”
The former democracy icon warned that the genocide case at the ICJ risked reigniting the crisis, which she said was a response to attacks by Rohingya militants.
Myanmar has always maintained the crackdown by its armed forces, known as the Tatmadaw, was justified to root out Rohingya insurgents after a series of attacks left a dozen security personnel dead.

‘Physical destruction’

The ICJ initially sided with The Gambia, which had asked judges for “provisional measures” to halt the violence while the case was being considered.
The court in 2020 said Myanmar must take “all measures within its power” to halt any acts prohibited in the 1948 UN Genocide Convention.
These acts included “killing members of the group” and “deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part.”
The United States officially declared that the violence amounted to genocide in 2022, three years after a UN team said Myanmar harbored “genocidal intent” toward the Rohingya.
The hearings, which wrap up on January 30, represent the heart of the case.
The court had already thrown out a 2022 Myanmar challenge to its jurisdiction, so judges believe they have the power to rule on the genocide issue.
A final decision could take months or even years and while the ICJ has no means of enforcing its decisions, a ruling in favor of The Gambia would heap more political pressure on Myanmar.
Suu Kyi will not be revisiting the Peace Palace. She has been detained since a 2021 coup, on charges rights groups say were politically motivated.
The ICJ is not the only court looking into possible genocide against the Rohingya.
The International Criminal Court, also based in The Hague, is investigating military chief Min Aung Hlaing for suspected crimes against humanity.
Another case is being heard in Argentina under the principle of universal jurisdiction, the idea that some crimes are so heinous they can be heard in any court.