ISLAMABAD: After saving condemned Christian Asia Bibi from the gallows in Pakistan, her lawyer says he is facing the wrath of Islamist extremists — and wonders who will save him.
But despite the threats against him, Saif-ul-Mulook says he regrets nothing, and will continue his legal fight against intolerance.
Mulook’s latest victory saw the freeing of Asia Bibi — a Christian woman convicted of blasphemy, who spent nearly a decade on death row — after the Supreme Court overturned her conviction Wednesday.
“The verdict has shown that the poor, the minorities and the lowest segments of society can get justice in this country despite its shortcomings,” he told AFP immediately after the verdict.
“This is the biggest and happiest day of my life.”
Demonstrations against the ruling erupted across the country hours later, with extremists calling for mutiny against the army’s top brass, and for the assassination of Supreme Court justices.
Blasphemy is a highly inflammatory charge in Muslim-majority Pakistan, where even the slightest whiff of insulting Islam and Prophet Muhammad can incite vigilante mobs.
Mulook said he feels he is now a sitting duck with no security or escape plan.
“I think I have absolutely no safety. No security and I am the easiest target... anybody can kill me,” he said.
The defense of Bibi was just the latest in a long line of controversial cases taken up by the barrister.
In 2011, Mulook was the lead prosecutor against Mumtaz Qadri over the assassination of Punjab governor Salman Taseer — a prominent critic of the country’s blasphemy laws and supporter of Bibi.
Qadri — one of Taseer’s bodyguards — gunned down his boss in broad daylight, citing the governor’s calls for reform of the blasphemy laws as his motive.
Mulook said he took on the case as others cowered, fearing reprisals from extremists.
His prosecution resulted in the conviction and subsequent execution of Qadri, who was feted by Islamists and later honored with a shrine on the outskirts of Islamabad.
Mulook says his life has not been the same since; he rarely socializes, lives in a constant state of hypervigilance and has been inundated with threats.
“If you conduct such cases you should be ready for the results and the consequences,” the greying 62-year-old explains.
But Mulook said the risks have been worth the reward.
“I think it’s better to die as a brave and strong man than to die as a mouse and fearful person,” he said.
“I extend my legal help to all people.”
‘Anyone can kill me’: lawyer battles Pakistan blasphemy laws
‘Anyone can kill me’: lawyer battles Pakistan blasphemy laws
Venezuela’s furious street forces ready to ‘fight’ after US raid
- As proud defenders of the Venezuelan leadership’s socialist “Bolivarian revolution,” the ousting of Maduro has left them furious and bewildered, convinced that he was betrayed by close allies
CARACAS: When explosions boomed in the night and US warplanes roared in the sky over Caracas, Jorge Suarez and his companions rushed fearfully for their guns.
For these members of the “colectivos” — armed loyalists of the leftist leadership — the US raid that ousted Nicolas Maduro as their president was the most dramatic challenge yet.
“We’re not used to it — it was like a best-seller, like something out of a movie,” said Suarez, in black sunglasses and a cap bearing the slogan: “Doubt is treason.”
“We took to the streets, waiting for instructions from our leaders.”
As proud defenders of the Venezuelan leadership’s socialist “Bolivarian revolution,” the ousting of Maduro has left them furious and bewildered, convinced that he was betrayed by close allies.
“There is frustration, anger and a will to fight,” said a 43-year-old member of one collective the Boina Roja — which translates to Red Beret — who identified himself only as Willians, in a black cap and hooded jacket.
“It’s still not really clear what happened...What is clear is that there were many betrayals,” he added — pointing to implausible failures in Maduro’s defenses.
“We don’t understand how the anti-aircraft system failed. We don’t know what happened with the rocket-launch system.”
- Policing the transition -
Established in their current form under Maduro’s predecessor Hugo Chavez, the colectivos are tasked with keeping social order on the streets — but accused by opponents of beating and intimidating rivals.
They have closed ranks behind Delcy Rodriguez, Maduro’s former deputy who took over as interim president.
She has pledged to cooperate with US President Donald Trump over his demand for access to Venezuela’s huge oil reserves — but has insisted the country is not “subordinate” to Washington.
Willians said the colectivos were resisting certain post-Maduro narratives, which he dismissed as mind games — such as “that Trump might bomb again, or that Delcy Rodriguez is with the United States.”
They respect her ideological pedigree — Rodriguez is the daughter of a far-left militant who died in the custody of the intelligence services in 1976.
“I don’t think anyone would betray her father,” said Alfredo Canchica, leader of another collective, the Fundacion 3 Raíces.
“You can betray the people, but not your father.”
Colectivo members declined to be drawn out on how the post-Maduro phase might play out under Trump and Rodriguez, however.
“We don’t believe the threats that the Americans are going to come, dig in and take us out,” said Canchica.
“They’ll have to kill us first.”
- Maduro ‘betrayed’ -
Feared by opponents as a rifle-wielding, motorbike-mounted shock force, the colectivos are welcomed in some neighborhoods where they are credited with preventing crime — and where authorities hand out subsidized food parcels.
Speaking at the Chato Candela baseball stadium in the working-class 23 de Enero district, Canchica rejected the negative image they have gained.
When opposition demonstrators and some world powers were accusing Maduro of stealing an election in July 2014, “we stopped the shantytowns from rising up,” he said.
The colectivos also claim to run sports programs, coordinate with hospitals and transport networks, and visit traders to keep price speculation in check.
Fiercely committed to the “Chavista” cause, they felt the sting of betrayal in Maduro’s capture.
“The betrayal must have come from someone very close to our commander” Maduro, said Canchica.
“It was so perfect we didn’t notice, and we still don’t know who betrayed us, how they betrayed us — it happened so fast.”
In his office with images of independence hero Simon Bolivar, Chavez and Maduro on the wall, and books, bullets and a sound-wave bomb on the table, Suarez bitterly recalled watching animated reconstructions of Maduro’s capture published online.
“It makes you angry,” he said.
“Despite all the support Commander (Vladimir) Putin, China and North Korea have given us militarily, how can we react in real time when (the US) has more advanced technology than we do?“








