France’s superficial treatments for a deep-rooted malaise
After a few weeks of sustained decline in the number of protesters gathering for the weekly demonstrations by the “gilets jaunes” (yellow vests) in key cities, notably Paris, the French government had perhaps begun to breathe easy. The general feel, in the government as well as the media, was that the movement was fizzling out and dying a natural death after holding the attention of not just the entire country, but making an impact around the world as well.
However, the surge in numbers, as well as violence, last weekend must have been enough to shake off the government’s complacency. President Emmanuel Macron had to rush back to work from his skiing holiday as the Champs Elysees, the avenue barely 100 meters from his official residence, bore the brunt of the attack, with smashed shop windows and fires, including at the renowned Fouquet’s, a restaurant that has been a favorite haunt of the French political and art worlds for decades.
Prime Minister Edouard Philippe has subsequently sacked the Paris police chief for allowing the violence to get out of hand and not dealing with the violent protesters firmly enough. He has also announced some more measures, including a conditional ban on protests on the Champs Elysees.
The harsh measures may go some way toward treating the symptoms of the problem that France faces today. However, they are likely to infuriate the protesters and their sympathizers, as these measures will be seen as a clear curtailment of their democratic right to demonstrate and protest. They are unlikely to work unless the government declares a curfew in select places and stops weekend train services to Paris and other large cities where the demonstrations take place.
Even if the government succeeds in suffocating the high-visibility protests, the issue is hardly likely to disappear. A recent poll suggested that, despite the violence, 53 percent of the French public sympathized with the yellow vests’ cause. And therein lies the crux. Despite its national slogan of “Liberty, Equality and Fraternity,” France has seen, over the last three decades, a growing gap between rich and poor, with development and economic growth becoming extremely lopsided. Large chunks of territory that were previously rather well-to-do industrial centers have become economic deserts as factory owners moved their businesses offshore or simply closed.
The yellow vests have come to symbolize the battle between the few haves and a large majority of have-nots in the country.
Ranvir Nayar
Some cities, notably Lille, previously a textile hub, have managed to recover to a certain extent by focusing on new technology and research, but even that is not enough, especially to replace the blue-collar, semi-skilled workforce without preparing them for new roles. And many of the older workers have already retired or are close to that stage. For the youth in these areas, there just are not enough jobs, as high levels of automation in most industries mean far fewer jobs for the same output. Even the public services have been reducing their manpower in order to cut the budget deficit, creating black holes of unemployment, with little hope of the future being better.
But the yellow vests are not only about unemployment. There are many who say that the state has abandoned them and their communities, with severe underinvestment in public services and infrastructure. Thus, most of them are obliged to drive to work, and this is where the “eco-friendly” taxes on fuel have been biting them the hardest. While people living in the wider Paris area or any of the country’s other major cities still have the option to use public transport, which has seen significant investment, the countryside remains bereft of these services, making the development unbalanced.
In addition, the benefits of industrial and economic innovation have remained limited to a very small part of the population, as has been the case practically everywhere else, increasing the inequality in society. To add insult to injury, the decisions of Macron to cut taxes on the rich, while simultaneously reducing benefits to the poorer sections of society, including pensioners, have definitely touched a raw nerve. The yellow vests have come to symbolize the battle between the few haves and a large majority of have-nots in the country.
This is the main message they wish to convey and, while the French public seems to have received it fairly loud and clear, the government still seems to be ignoring it, or is unable to understand. That is the reason why more than half of the French people support the cause or at least sympathize with the protesters, despite the violence. This is also the reason why the protests are unlikely to die a quick or a natural death.
There are two sections among the protesters who have continued to turn out for 18 weeks without a break. One is, of course, the disgruntled elements, even hoodlums, who like to join in with any protests to damage public or private property and attack the police; and there are definitely more than a handful of these in each week’s yellow vests protest. But there are others — regular housewives, hospital nurses, office workers, the middle class, young and old — who feel completely let down by Macron and his predecessors for their failure to come to their aid and improve their lives. This is the section that the government needs to reach out to — not just by doling out fiscal aid to them, but by taking at least some steps to be seen to address the growing inequality in society. That could mean higher taxes on the ultra-rich, banks, companies or the new economy. However it is done, some semblance of tapering down the million-euro pay packets of the select few could indeed send the message home.
• Ranvir S. Nayar is managing editor of Media India Group, a global platform based in Europe and India, which encompasses publishing, communication, and consultation services.
