Pan-Gulf identity as an alternative to Iran’s Vilayat-e Faqih
https://arab.news/gm8rz
The people of the Gulf urgently need a new political discourse. The previous pan-Arabism discourse of the 1960s constituted an intellectual framework for many people and elites. At the time, an individual’s identity, patriotism and sense of belonging was based on Arabism. This surpassed any other affiliation, such as religion, ethnicity or sect. Although dominant, this political discourse had some flaws and faced different challenges as several contrary ideologies emerged, including socialism, political Islam, and Vilayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist) on the eastern bank of the Arabian Gulf, which will be the focus of this article.
The ideology of Vilayat-e Faqih interacted with and found fertile ground among Arab Shiite communities as a result of four key stages. Each stage was linked to political realities and circumstances, rather than to the Iranian revolutionary ideology itself.
The first stage of this interaction took place during the first two years of the Iranian revolution and the subsequent establishment of the Islamic Republic, when the newly formed political system in Iran promoted the policy of “neither east nor west” and anti-imperialist rhetoric. Arab Shiite communities accepted this discourse, but it was not fully tested.
The second stage was during the Iran-Iraq War, when the Iranian regime began to export the Iranian revolution, calling for Arabs in the region to dismantle their political systems and reproduce the Iranian experience. This attempt focused more on the revolutionary dimension than the sectarian. Therefore, it did not achieve the desired outcome.
The third stage, which was the stage of engagement and containment, started after the liberation of Kuwait and ended with the 2003 US invasion of Iraq. This stage witnessed the actual promotion of Vilayat-e Faqih among Arab Shiite communities with a primary focus on the sectarian dimension. Iran’s efforts during this period included an increase in the admission of Arab Shiite students to Iranian religious seminaries (hawzas), the dominance of sectarianism over nationalism, and the establishment of cross-border sectarian affiliations. In response to pan-Arabism failing and the emergence of divisions among Arab countries, Arab Shiite communities began to adopt the ideology of Vilayat-e Faqih.
The fourth and final stage started when Iran adopted the discourse of protecting Arab Shiite communities, from the US invasion of Iraq until today. The manifestations of this discourse were evident when Iran intervened in Iraq, Bahrain, Yemen and Syria.
Even though freedom and political participation have been overlooked in Iran’s ideology of Vilayat-e Faqih, the country’s political system has repeatedly held cosmetic presidential and parliamentary elections and promoted alleged economic achievements to export its revolutionary ideology among Arab Shiite communities. Vilayat-e Faqih completely revokes the rights of individuals to participate in decision-making, marginalizes the authority of elected institutions, and elevates the powers of the supreme leader.
According to this ideology, the supreme leader enjoys absolute guardianship over all peoples, tribes and countries of the Islamic Ummah. He may restrict his guardianship to the country where he is vested with power so that he is not accused of interfering in the internal affairs of other countries based on the norms of today’s world. However, in case the supreme leader exercises his extensive powers beyond the boundaries of his country, his loyalty-based leadership will be binding, just like the one he imposes on the people of his own country.
The pan-Gulf discourse, on the other hand, did not, according to my belief, stem from any intellectual or cultural grounds. Rather, the occupation of Kuwait and its subsequent liberation was the key factor that led to the development of this discourse. Afterward, it was enhanced by economic integration projects and the laws regulating the movement of individuals between the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, along with the freedom of investment and the transfer of capital between the GCC members.
The secretariat general of the GCC adopted the pan-Gulf discourse. In September 2016, it held a seminar in cooperation with the National Council for Culture, Arts and Literature in Kuwait entitled “Strengthening Gulf National Identity.” The seminar resulted in a series of recommendations, which were later submitted for consideration to the relevant committees in the ministries of culture of the GCC countries. These recommendations included strengthening Gulf unity via educational curricula, increasing youth opportunities, supporting media institutions to produce joint awareness projects and programs, funding/encouraging research centers, and preserving state and public heritage by participating in heritage-related events, as well as supporting initiatives that are concerned with raising the level of nationalism, strengthening national identity and consolidating Gulf unity.
However, can this pan-Gulf discourse counter the ideology of Vilayat-e Faqih, which is promoted among Arab Shiite communities in the Gulf region?
To answer this question, we must examine the main elements of this pan-Gulf discourse and the opportunities it offers to Arab Shiites to integrate into Gulf societies. This discourse negates sectarian disagreements/differences, rejects discrimination and takfiri ideologies, and criminalizes those who promote such ideologies. In addition, it acknowledges the full participation of Arab Shiites in Gulf societies.
This discourse also imposes obligations on every citizen, including the rejection of cross-border affiliations and foreign loyalties, whether sectarian, intellectual or cultural. It also deems such affiliations as socially unacceptable and prioritizes loyalty to national authorities and elected institutions.
This discourse rejects discrimination and takfiri ideologies, and criminalizes those who promote such ideologies.
Dr. Mohammed Al-Sulami
Advancing the discourse of pan-Gulf identity will consolidate a sense of belonging to one entity, accelerate the transition from the GCC, which is currently celebrating its 40th anniversary, to the Gulf Union, which may later include Iraq and Yemen, and help in overcoming tribal, sectarian, regional and class affiliations. This discourse may also contribute to the adoption of educational and cultural programs and more harmonious common political orientations. Most importantly, this discourse will contribute to closing intellectual and societal gaps in the face of external challenges and safeguard the Gulf’s social fabric from expansionist and hegemonic ambitions targeting our countries.
- Dr. Mohammed Al-Sulami is president of the International Institute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah). Twitter: @mohalsulami
