Is Pakistan heading south by agreeing to TLP’s demands?

Is Pakistan heading south by agreeing to TLP’s demands?

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The controversial case of Aasia Bibi, a Christian farm worker from the Punjab province who was accused of committing blasphemy in 2009, has been one of the most divisive for the country, splitting the nation into two for the past few days. No other event has attracted as much media attention or religious debate as Bibi’s did for evoking discordant emotions among the masses.
Firstly, blasphemy is considered a major offence in the Muslim world, particularly in Pakistan, where the law entails that any individual proven guilty of the crime would be issued a death sentence. The procedure to lodge a complaint is simpler than the weight of the sentence would require, as any person claiming to have heard or seen someone committing blasphemy, in words or deed, can file a case. This is exactly what happened when a Muslim farm worker apparently got into an argument with Bibi over fetching water. As reported in the press then, the verbal squabble crossed the limits of secular, triggering sensitive areas of faith and religious identity.
The woman and her relatives reported the incident to the local prayer leader who in turn got the case registered, leading to Bibi’s immediate arrest. Her conviction by a trial court was upheld by the Lahore High Court which eventually resulted in her spending eight years on death row. Not one to give up, Bibi’s defense counsel lodged an appeal with the Supreme Court of Pakistan, which finally overturned the verdict on October 30, acquitting her of all charges.
Reacting to the judgement, Bibi’s defense counsel, Saiful Mulook, said at the time that he was relieved with the verdict, adding that it “has shown that the poor, the minorities and the lowest segments of society can get justice in this country despite its shortcomings”.
“This is the biggest and happiest day of my life,” he said.
In a similar vein, Senator Sherry Rehman tweeted that it was a "landmark judgment by the Supreme Court to acquit Aasia Bibi today. False accusers took half of her life away. Now the state must protect all those who stand for the rule of law and justice. We have all been witness to the havoc mobs have wreaked to red lines before. That line must be held."
These two statements reflect the silent, or rather silenced, majority in Pakistan today who are of a similar opinion. However, logic, argument and rationality carries little weight in situations defined by deep religious controversies, emotions, rhetoric and threats of violence.
Generally, when the apex court issues its final judgement on any case, all parties have to accept the decision. However, when the issue at hand is one involving blasphemy, with a specific reference to Bibi’s case, it resulted in evoking strong religious sentiments among a section of the population which has been clashing with the universal principle of justice – “innocent until proven guilty”.

Much of the things we have witnessed in the past few days, and in fact over the years, is a testament to increasing religious intolerance, rise of extremism and violence, and the indecisiveness of the state.

Rasul Bakhsh Rais

The acerbity of this difference of opinion, on part of the religious parties rejecting the top court’s decision, became even more obvious when they resorted to demonstrations and a nationwide blockade called by the party leaders. Within hours of the announcement that Bibi could walk free, the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) party blocked major crossings, highway interchanges and selective exit and entry points of motorways, bringing the country to standstill.
The TLP, a radicalized Barelvi group, enjoys popular appeal among the lower sections of the population -- mostly in Punjab and in a few other districts of metropolitan Karachi. Within the past few years, it has built a closely-knit organization of mosques and madrassas across the country, led by clerics and supporters of the party. The strength of the TLP came to the fore as it demonstrated mercurial ability in activating its party’s network into action, with a strategic focus on blocking traffic in major cities.
The protests were a grim reminder of a similar one organized by the TLP last year when it had voiced objection to a proposed change in the declaration of faith form for candidates contesting the elections. It staged one of the longest sit-ins and didn’t budge until all its demands were accepted, which included the removal of the law minister and retention of the old form.
The TLP is the newest member among a large group of religious parties -- with the exception of Jamaat-e-Islam -- who were conceptualized along sectarian lines. Chief of TLP, cleric Khadim Hussain Rizvi had formed the TLP in the wake of protests following the 2016 execution of Mumtaz Qadri – a man convicted of murdering former Punjab governor Salman Taseer a year earlier. Within less than two years, the TLP has very effectively exploited religious sentiments to mobilize people for all protests called by the party.
However, the recent episode which crippled the country was more than just a protest — it was a refusal to accept the top court’s verdict, with TLP leaders threatening to kill the judges and instigating the army with provocative comments, too. The party has crossed many redlines. Despite Prime Minister Imran Khan issuing a strong comment, warning protestors not to “clash with the state”, the government reacted in its conventionally soft approach -- eventually agreeing to withdraw the cases against the protestors and prevent Bibi from leaving the country.
The TLP protest represents much more than just the amassing of a large number of people at major crossings. Much of the things we have witnessed in the past few days, and in fact over the years, is a testament to increasing religious intolerance, rise of extremism and violence, a frequent paralysis of public order and the indecisiveness of the state. That may not augur well for stability, religious harmony and peace in Pakistan.
– Rasul Bakhsh Rais is Professor of Political Science in the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, LUMS, Lahore. His latest book is “Islam, Ethnicity and Power Politics: Constructing Pakistan’s National Identity” (Oxford University Press, 2017). @RasulRais 

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