To ensure economic upturn, Pakistan must fix internal security
The passage of Senate resolution Monday condemning an anti-Islam cartoon contest planned by far-right Dutch lawmaker Geert Wilders did not merely send a message to its organizer, but was also a pre-emptive political move to help avert a protest by religious elements. Though the Dutch government distanced itself from the hateful event, the Sunni cleric Khadim Hussain Rizvi was not impressed. His protest rally from a central Punjab city almost reached Islamabad when sanity prevailed in the Netherlands and the xenophobic politician canceled the caricature contest. The episode is a sign of trials to come for Imran Khan from the religion-inspired pressure groups.
In April 2017, university student Mashaal Khan was murdered in the Mardan district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province after a gang falsely accused him of blasphemy. A court handed a death sentence to the 23-year-old’s killer, Imran Ali, and life imprisonment to five others involved in the crime. However, the victim’s father, Iqbal Khan, did not believe the judicial decision reflected the gravity of the crime, as the high court acquitted a further 25 men after an appeal.
Religious vigilante groups continue to undermine the state’s writ. Last month, Pakistan was shaken by the news that 12 girls’ schools in Gilgit-Baltistan's Diamer district had been set on fire at night in a coordinated attack. The incident reminded many of the horrible incidents in Swat, where Tehreek-e-Taliban exclusively targeted schools and other education centers for girls and women. On October 9, 2012, militants shot schoolgirl Malala Yousafzai, who was 14 at the time, in the head in a failed assassination attempt.
Since northern areas of Pakistan are of particular strategic importance because they border China and crisscross the Karakorum Highway — the jugular artery connecting Xinjiang to the Arabian seaport of Gwadar — the military conducted successful operations within hours, in collaboration with local law-enforcement agencies. Schools in Pakistan’s north have since returned to normality. Had it not been for the assistance of the armed forces, however, the regional police would have had neither the capacity nor manpower to confront the criminals.
Moreover, police in Sindh said that they killed four Daesh operatives during a firefight on January 13 2018. The encounter did not go down as a routine operation against terrorist sleeper cells, however. The family and friends of one of the victims, Naqeebullah Mehsud, disputed the police claims and called the incident a “fake encounter” and “targeted killing,” a heinous tactic the former local police commander, Rao Anwar, was notorious for using. Though an inquiry confirmed that Mehsud’s killing was indeed the result of a “fake encounter,” the police chief not only managed to prolong the court proceedings but also continues to live with his family after the provincial government declared his home a sub-jail.
At the peak of the electioneering in July, a suicide bomber killed 150 people at a political gathering in Balochistan’s Mastung district. A terrorist group based in Afghanistan claimed responsibility for the deadly attack. Just over a fortnight ago, an ethno-nationalist terror outfit in Balochistan targeted a bus carrying Chinese engineers in the southwestern city of Dalbandin. There were no fatalities, thanks to the actions of the quick-thinking bus driver.
Given the country’s perpetually under-performing economy and the balance of payments crisis, the challenge of internal security is complex as well as far-reaching.
Naveed Ahmad
Though the threat of terrorism has been diminishing considerably, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor remains vulnerable to subversive activities. Islamabad will have to continuously invest in securing the Chinese workers and investment for years to come.
Pakistan fell victim to Iran’s quest for sectarian mercenaries who would fight alongside its militia to save Bashar Assad’s regime. Hundreds of Pakistanis were hired, trained and sent to Syria under the Zeinabiyoun brigade. Some died while fighting there and were buried in Iran, but many of them returned unnoticed.
The new government is faced with religious fanatics, ethno-nationalist militancy, police brutality and an obsolete law-enforcement force. An outbreak of political agitation can only further complicate matters. In addition to the enormous executive responsibility of overseeing the entire machinery of government, Prime Minister Imran Khan has chosen to keep the portfolio of interior minister for himself. Given the country’s perpetually under-performing economy and the balance of payments crisis, the challenge of internal security is complex as well as far-reaching.
Admittedly, PTI is in a position to reorganize and reform provincial law-enforcement agencies in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Punjab and Balochistan, but it has limited room to maneuver in the vital Sindh province. Cleansing southern Sindh of mafia groups, ethno-nationalist militants and religious extremists cannot be an eternal mandate of the paramilitary forces. Sitting at the core of Pakistan’s quest to realize its full economic potential, Karachi has been largely failed by a highly politicized, ill-equipped police force along with other provincial law-enforcement agencies.
From the outset, the PTI-led government must review the National Internal Security Policy (2018-2023), which was passed in June. The overarching document, which provides a framework for countering extremism, is not a political one but emerged from the input of more than 120 experts with a vast array of specializations. Will Imran Khan and his cabinet own it in totality and begin its implementation, or require an entirely new one based on the party’s own priorities? For the economic policy to succeed, a coherent and viable security policy is paramount. Time is of the essence for Pakistan, and the government, because without a thorough internal security policy, any administrative reforms of law-enforcement agencies will be nothing more than a patchwork.
• Naveed Ahmad is an investigative journalist and academic based in the GCC with a career in writing on diplomacy, security and governance. Besides other honors, he won the Jefferson Fellowship in 2000 and UNAOC Cross-Cultural Reporting Award 2010. Twitter: @naveed360
